40. D. Fairchild Ruggles, Women, Patronage and Self-representation in Islamic Societies (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000), 7: “vision is a form of power, and seeing implies possession.”
41. Luoyang qie lan ji jiao zhu, 1.5; Wang, Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 20.
42. Amy McNair, Donors of Longmen: Faith, Politics, and Patronage in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Sculpture (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007), 60–67.
43. BS 13.504 (WS 13.338); Tang, Han Wei Liang Jin Nan bei chao Fo jiao shi, 2: 70; Jenner, Memories of Loyang, 118.
44. Wang, Record of Buddhist monasteries, 126, with slight emendations. See the detailed discussion of these events in Po Yee Wong, “Acculturation as Seen through Buddha’s Birthday Parades in Northern Wei Luoyang: A Micro Perspective on the Making of Buddhism as a World Religion” (PhD diss., University of the West, 2012).
45. Luoyang qie lan ji jiao zhu 1.5; Wang, Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 20–21; this translation taken from Jeffrey L. Broughton, The Bodhidharma Anthology: The Earliest Records of Zen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 54–55.
46. WS 66.1471–72; ZZTJ 148.4628–29; McNair, Donors of Longmen, 64.
47. Jenner, Memories of Loyang, 72–73.
48. WS 64.1432, 9.228–29.
49. WS 66.1479. In WS 81.1793 we are told of efforts by the dictator Yuan Cha (whom we shall see just below) to give jobs to frustrated (and apparently un- or underemployed) Dai commoners who had come down to Luoyang 代來寒人 by sending them back north with announcements seeking to mollify rebels there. The effort was thwarted by unemployed sons of officials who wanted the jobs themselves, and had the connections to demand them. Here we see hints of a situation resembling that of the Manchu “orphan warriors” described in the book of that name by Pamela Crossley: Orphan Warriors: Three Manchu Generations and the End of the Qing World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990).
50. WS 19B.475. A contemporary, Yuan Yuan (due to the rule of avoidance the name has been changed in both texts to Shen 吼), spoke of how “the men are without fighting spirit” 人無鬪情: BS 16.620 (WS 18.433). See further discussion of this issue in Liu Jun 劉軍, “Lun Tuoba zu shang wu xi su zhi shuai tui—yi Bei Wei hou qi zong shi dan ren jin wei wu zhi wei li” 論拓跋族尚武習俗之衰退——以北魏初期宗室擔任淳衞武職為例, Bei fang wen wu (2015.1): 54–59; He, “Fu bing zhi qian,” 322. For description of the changes among the transplanted guoren, see WS 78.1724; Wang Zhongluo 王仲犖, Wei Jin Nan bei chao shi 魏晉南北朝史, 2 vols. (Shanghai: Shanghai ren min chu ban she, 1979–1980), 2: 565.
51. See the examples given in Jenner, Memories of Loyang, 68–69.
52. BQS 1.2.
53. BS 43.1598; WS 13.338 (note that this passage is not in the BS version of her biography); ZZTJ 149.4645–46; Luoyang qie lan ji jiao zhu 4.206; Wang, Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 195–96.
54. BS 13.504 (WS 13.339); for an estimate of her age at this time, see Zhang, Bei Wei zheng zhi shi, 9: 151.
55. BS 19.716–17; and see his epitaph, quoted in Zhang, Bei Wei zheng zhi shi, 9: 151.
56. BS 13.503 (WS 13.338). See, however, discussion by Holmgren, “Empress Dowager Ling,” of her characterization as a “bad last” ruler.
57. See his biography in WS 16.403–8. Two variant readings of the personal name are given in the sources: see Jenner, Memories of Loyang, 164 note 82; Wang, Records of Buddhist monasteries, 43 note 158. Pace Jenner, I will follow Wang’s model and use the form given in Wei shu.
58. WS 16.404; Luoyang qie lan ji jiao zhu 1.39; Wang, Record of Buddhist monasteries, 43–44, 165. For the importance of the post of ling jun jiang jun 領軍將軍 in later Wei, see Zhang Jinlong 張金龍, “Ling jun jiang jun yu Bei Wei zheng zhi” 領軍將軍與北魏政治, in his Bei Wei zheng zhi yu zhi du lun gao, 350–53.
59. WS 16.404.
60. ZZTJ 149.4656–58.
61. For the slashing of faces, see BS 19.717 (WS 22.592); and Holmgren, “Empress Dowager Ling,” 157. For the uprisings, see WS 94.2028, 2029.
62. BS 19.718 (WS 22.593); WS 21A.557.
63. Luoyang qie lan ji jiao zhu 3.176; Wang, Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 156.
64. Jenner, Memories of Loyang, 69; WS 94.2028. The generally poor quality of the men sent to command the garrisons was commented on by a number of court figures in the early sixth century: BS 16.617 (WS 18.430); WS 19B.476.
65. I have relied upon Edwin G. Pulleyblank, The Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1955), Chapter 2, for these suggestions as to the names behind the Chinese transcription “An Lushan.” See also the convincing argument made by Edward H. Schafer, Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), 4, regarding the need to refer to the man by his original name, “Rokhshan.” He seems in fact to have been a mix of Türk and Sogdian: Graff, Medieval Chinese Warfare, 212. During his well-known mid-eighth century rebellion, Rokhshan would establish his own Yan dynasty.
66.谷川岛雄,隋唐帝國形成史論 (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobō, 1971), 214.
67. WS 21A.550; ZZTJ 139.4359.
68. The convicts occasionally being princes of the imperial house: BS 16.605 (WS 18.419).
69. BS 16.617. As discussed in Chapter 11, these units theoretically numbered 1,000 men. Tang, Wei Jin Nan Bei chao Sui Tang shi san lun, 194, points out that these are complaints about promotion; the situation of the bound, hereditary soldiery of the Yangtze regions was in reality far worse.
70. For more detail on these issues, see Tang Zhangru 唐肠孺 and Huang Huixian 黃惠賢, “Shi lun Wei mo Bei zhen zhen min bao dong de xing zhi” 試論魏末北鎮鎮民鼻董的型質, in Tang’s Shan ju cun gao (Beijing: Zhonghua shu ju, 1989), 25–59; and Pearce, “The Yü-wen Regime in Sixth Century China,” 141–79.
71. ZZTJ 149.4660–69. Giving a sense of Luoyang’s capacity for manufacture, the Rouran lord was upon his departure given by the Wei emperor 18 “hundred man tents”: WS 103.2300; Andrews, Felt Tents and Pavilions, 1: 84, 92.
72. BS 16.617 (WS 18.430).
73. ZZTJ 149.4674–75; WS 31.747.
74. “Pingcheng (Heng-Dai) and north, now is (just) ruins,” we are told in WS 106A.2455.
75. WS 74.1644; Jenner, Memories of Loyang, 86ff.
76. WS 16.406.
77. WS 16.406; BS 13.504 (WS 13.339); ZZTJ 150.4695–97.
78. WS 19B.482; ZZTJ 150.4697.
79. WS 94.2028.
80. For continuation of tax collection in regions to the south and west, see Zhou, “Cong Bei Wei ji ge jun de hu kou bian hua kan san zhang zhi de zuo yong,” 140–46; but see also WS 56.1255, where a man sent north to hold a province up on the plains (Yinzhou 殷州; seat in the vicinity of mod. Longyao, Hebei) insisted he needed troops, and food for them, but “in the end nothing was given him.”
81. See the edict issued in the 12th month of 525: WS 9.242.
82. WS 114.3048; Hurvitz, Treatise on Buddhism and Taoism, 103.
83. WS 72.1619; ZZTJ 151.4271.
84. BS 16.618–21; WS 18.431–34; ZZTJ 151.4713, 4716.
85. Zhang, Bei Wei zheng zhi shi, 9: 331–32.
86. WS 93.2007–9.
87. WS 9.243, 246; ZZTJ 151.4712, 4721, 4723.
88. BS 13.506 (WS 13.340).
89. BS 13.505 (WS 13.339–40); Holmgren, “Empress Dowager Ling,” 168–69.
